Response to Kosovo Article

COL Doug Fraze, USA

Note: This article was submitted as a letter to the editor in response to an article in the March 2000 FAO Journal
entitled Kosovo: Long Term Impacts of Short Term Policy by LTC Kevin Dougherty, USA.
Its scholarship deserves publication as an article unto itself.

As always I find Colonel Dougherty's articles interesting reading. And, as usually is the case I find his lack of historical context distracting. It may be due to space or it may be to FAO Journal editing. Either way it is a disservice to the reader.

Although I too was/am an East European FAO, focusing on the Balkans, my focus was the former Yugoslavia. LTC Dougherty, I believe, focused on Greece. I apologize if this is incorrect. He does bring a different perspective than I. A concern I have is the lack of understanding for the Serb position. I certainly do not want to appear that I approve of Serb atrocities but I believe to discount their rights as a sovereign nation, their rights to protect this sovereignty through force if necessary, is unfair. The U.S. fought the Civil War, or the War of Northern Aggression (depending on your political position) to hold our nation together; it would seem the Yugoslavs (now Serbia and Montenegro) would have the same right.

As an historian I realize history changes and is often only published by the winners. Too often numbers are inflated or deflated to support positions favorable to one party or another. Therefore, I may be using numbers that will differ from those known by other readers.

In reviewing the history of Kosovo I am attempted to title it, "Déj… vu all over again" due to the meddling of the world powers. In the late 19^th century and early 20^th century we saw external influence from the Ottoman Empire and the Austro-Hungarian (A-H) Empire, with lesser involvement by Russia, Great Britain, and France -- to no good. In the late 20^th century we see external meddling from the Contact Group of France, Great Britain, Russia, Germany, and the United States -- good yet to be determined. Not much has changed over the span of a century. ¹

The purpose of this short history is to show that problems between the Serbs and Albanians began long before Milosevic and that the international community still misunderstands the Balkans today as it did then.

Although the history could go back into the 14^th and 15^th centuries I will begin it with the Russian signing of the Treaty of San Stefano in 1878. The Russians were prepared to reward the Bulgars at the expense of the Serbs and the Albanians. The Great Powers objected and were preparing to rework the Balkans at the Conference of Berlin. The Albanians, seeing they were ignored by the Russians in the Treaty of San Stefano, however, met earlier and created the Prizren League. The purpose of the League was to unite all Albanian people -- Greater Albania. It laid claim to the Albanians living from eastern Montenegro, through Kosovo, and into Skopje, Macedonia. The Albanians met resistance from the European Powers and failed to accomplish their objective.

The Serbs, Bulgars, Montenegrins, and Greeks were beginning their revolt against the Turks at the same time the Albanians took up terrorist actions in the areas they claimed at the Prizren League of 1878. Serb numbers claim over 400,000 Serbs fled Kosovo Metohija due to persecution, killing, displacement and expulsion. ²

During the Balkan Wars the Albanians living in Kosovo offered armed resistance to Serbs, Montenegrins, Bulgars, and Greeks. In 1912, the Balkan powers defeated the Ottoman Empire. Serbs defeated the Turks at Kumanovo, Macedonia and met the Montenegrins at Metohija. ³ The Serbs capitalized on a weak Albania, and a defeated Ottoman Empire, and marched through Albania to the Adriatic. The Albanians feared its dismemberment by Greece, Serbia, and Montenegro. The A-H Empire, as well as the other Great Powers, insisted on a Serb pullout. The Serbs withdrew but took up a strategic position north of the border belt and became victims to Albanian guerrillas. ⁴ When the Serbs responded and reentered Albania the Great Powers branded it "another Serb drive toward the Albanian littoral." To the Austrians, behavior of the Serbs was unfathomable. When the Serbs occupied Albanian territory for the second time, the A-H Empire sent an ultimatum -- pull out within 8 days. ⁵ The A-H Empire waited for the opportunity to attack Serbia, a country of "peasants" and one it despised ⁶.

Gavrilo Princip's assassination of the Archduke provided all that was needed. World War I followed and the Serbs were unable to stand against the A-H Empire and the Bulgars. The Serbs retreated into Albania to be met by Albanian snipers.

Following the war the Great Powers permitted the forming of the Albanian state but the Albanians were dissatisfied with the borders because it didn't include Pec, Pristina, and Mitrovica (cities in present day Kosovo) or Skopje and Tetovo (cities in Macedonia). ⁷ In 1920 the Albanians in Kosovo and Macedonia took to the streets in protest. ⁸

In World War II, the Axis Powers granted Albania control of Kosovo and the Albanians believed the creation of Greater Albania was near. Throughout this "Protectorate" non-Albanian people were expelled (or in today's jargon -- ethnically cleansed.) The action was spearheaded by the leaders of the 2d Prizren League, 1943.

After the war, Kosovo was returned to Yugoslavia and Serbia. Many Serbs returned, in kind, the treatment they were given by the Albanians during the war. ⁹

The 3d Prizren League met in the United States in 1946 to push for a policy of a Greater Albania. A guerrilla war between Yugoslavia and Albania ensued with "terrorists" or "Freedom fighters" entering Yugoslavia from Albania. As Albanians streamed in, non-Albanians streamed out -- another change in Kosovo demographics.

"On November 29, 1968, Kosovo exploded with violence. Demonstrators smashed windows and overturned cars in Pristina, and the anti-Serb demonstrations quickly spread to other towns in Kosovo. There were reports that some rioters demanded annexation by Albania. Demands included the dropping of the Serb name "Metohija" from the official name of the region, redesignation as a republic, extension of the right of self-determination, and the establishment of an independent university in Pristina." ¹⁰ The unrest soon spread to the Albanian communities in Macedonia. The 1974 Constitution addressed many of these demands. Yet, relations between Serbs and Albanians remained tense. As a result of this turmoil, thousands of Serbs and Montenegrins left the province, once again changing the demographics in favor of the Albanians. The census results in 1971, thought by some to be unreliable, showed the Albanians to have 73.7 percent of the province's population. ¹¹ (Today they claim no less than 90 percent.)

The unrest continued into the 70s. "Yugoslav security forces discovered evidence of an underground separatist organization known as the Revolutionary Movement of United Albania, led by none other than Adem Demachi -- (now political advisor to elements of the KLA). The group called for the secession of Kosovo and those parts of Macedonia and Montenegro inhabited by Albanians and the creation of a Greater Albania. ¹² Another group, the National Liberation Movement of Kosovo, was discovered soon after.

In spite of the activities of the 60s and 70s, few observers were prepared for the riots that shook the province in March and April of 1981. On March 11, thousands of students from Pristina University took to the streets. By April 3 the rioting had spread across Kosovo with numerous police and students injured. Ramet indicates as many as 1000 were killed and about 1000 were injured. The Yugoslav government responded with tanks and armored personnel carriers, imposed a curfew, cut off telephone connections and established control points on all roads into Pristina. ¹³ By mid-July, the Albanian unrest had spread to Montenegro and into Macedonia. Even Serbia proper had problems, with Albanian nationalists stirring up trouble in the communes of Bujanovac, Presevo (a familiar name?), and Medvedja in southern Serbia.

Arson, sabotage, and terrorism became a way of life in Kosovo. Ramet quotes sources that some 680 fires were attributed to arson. There were bombings in Pristina in 1982, nearly a year and a half after the first riots. A state of siege prevailed in Kosovo, with approximately 30,000 troops and police patrolling the streets. ¹⁴ This revolt drove more Montenegrins and Serbs from the province, once again changing the demographics.

Then we have Milosevic's visit to Kosovo in 1989 where he tells the Serbs he will protect them. We then have the Bush administration's Christmas demarche to Yugoslavia, the breakup of Yugoslavia, the wars in Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia. This is followed by the Dayton Peace Accords that do not discuss the Kosovo situation, increased terrorism in Kosovo -- enough that Ambassador Gelbard declared the KLA a terrorist organization, Serb response -- as in 1981, and then NATO.

When you follow the history you can see why Colonel Dougherty is concerned for NATO, or EUROCORPS, or whatever forces remain in Kosovo. The Albanian agenda is independence, have no doubt. At this time NATO has replaced the Serb as the occupier. If NATO continues to stand in the way of independence, NATO will become the enemy as the Serbs were.

The international community failed to recognize the scope of the problem and now will face the consequences.

Endnotes

^1.^{Yugoslavia had an acronym "BRIGAMA" which
represented the countries bordering on Yugoslavia: Bulgaria, Romania, Greece, Albania, Magyar
(Hungary), and Austria. Brigama, in Serbo-Croat means "worries" and if the 20^th
century was any indication, the acronym was justified. BACK}

^2. In May 1898, a Serb envoy to Constantinople complained about Albanian atrocities, which were forcing hundreds of families to flee to Serbia. He drew attention to the fact that in a very short time Serbs would disappear from Kosovo. (Author: Reminds me of events in the late 1990s that led to NATO air strikes.)^BACK

^3. Metohija, until recently, was a part of Kosovo and Metohija (Kosmet) just as Herzegovina was part of Bosnia and Herzegovina.^BACK

^4. This activity closely resembles what went on between Albania and Kosovo and now between Kosovo and Presevo. The Albanians create mischief, the Serbs respond, and the international community threatens Serbia.^BACK

^5. Reminds the author of the ultimatum of NATO airstrikes made to Yugoslavia when it refused to accept the Rambouillet Agreement -- pull out all paramilitary, special police, and accept foreign troops on your territory.^BACK

^6. Some will argue that members of the Clinton Administration, namely Ambassador Albright and her staff, Mr. Berger, NSC, GEN Clark, SACEUR, Mr. Vershbow, State Department rep to NATO, Mr. Fuerth, advisor to VP Gore, and Mr. Slocum, the Undersecretary of Defense for Policy despise the current Serb regime as intensely and sought any excuse to punish the Serbs.^BACK

^7. The Albanian claim to these cities -- Greater Albania -- continues to support the desires of the Prizren League of 1878. It also is a major concern of the international community today because Greater Albania threatens the existence of Macedonia.^BACK

^8. Both Kosovo and Macedonia were part of Serbia at this time. The Kingdom of the Serbs, Slovenes, and Croats formed by the Treaty of Versailles in 1918 did not recognize Montenegro, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, or Kosovo and Vojvodina. The Tito-led Constitution of 1946 recognized the republics of Montenegro, Macedonia, and Bosnia as well as the autonomous regions of Kosovo and Vojvodina. Kosovo and Vojvodina were given Autonomous Province status in the constitution of 1974.^BACK

^9. This revenge activity could probably be traced back through the centuries. Many Albanians served in the SS Skanderbeg Division in WW II and their activity was directed against the Serbs, in support of Axis forces.^BACK

^10. Pedro Ramet, Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1963-1983, pg 158^BACK

^11. Census figures in Kosovo are very questionable. There hasn't been a census taken in over 20 yrs and even that one was not accepted by either the Serbs or the Albanians. The birth rate of the Kosovars, if the census figures were accepted show a much higher growth rate in Kosovo than in either the Albanian community in Macedonia or in Albania proper.^BACK

^12. Ibid, pg 161^BACK

^13. Col Bill Fischer, then a major, was conducting his in-country training at this time. I was in language school at DLI, Monterey. Bill told me he was unable to travel into the Albanian areas of Kosovo and Macedonia.^BACK

^14. When the Yugoslav forces entered Kosovo in 1999, the strength approached 48,000. As with US commitments, the Yugoslavs obviously learned that overwhelming force is the best way to destroy an enemy's will to fight. ^BACK

Doug Fraze is a Yugoslavia FAO who attended in-country training in 82-83. He later served as Yugo OB, Production Div for ODSCINT USAREUR in 84-85 and as J-5 Plans and Policy, Balkans Branch Chief 93-95 and Chief Balkans Task Force J-2 95. He was also an Advisor to Gen (ret) Galvin in 94 when he served as Ambassador at Large to evaluate the likelihood of success for the Federation Army in Bosnia.

Editor's Note: I can assure Doug and other authors that any misinterpretation of the article in question was not due to editing. While I frequently change the text of an article for reasons of syntax and length, I try never to change the meaning the author intends to communicate whether or not I agree with it.

2000, Foreign Area Officer Association
Springfield, Virginia
Maintained by LTC Steve Gotowicki.
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