INTRODUCTION
Latin America appears on the diplomatic radar screen only when there are major problems. A communist takeover in Cuba, communist revolutionaries in Uruguay, Leftist leadership in Venezuela, insurgencies in Central America; they all have one thing in common, America's neglect toward our neighbors to the south.
The purpose of this article is to demonstrate why we should not disregard Latin America. There are shining examples of our dedication to the Western Hemisphere, as well as dismal betrayals and abuse. This article will highlight both and provide reasons why we should not neglect our vecinos del sur (southern neighbors).
War on Drugs
The drug war the United States engages in throughout the Andean Region (Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia) in South America seems to have a more or less positive impact on relations with the South American nations. Focusing on Colombia, Plan Colombia (the U. S. Government's name for the current anti-narcotic emphasis in Colombia) has seen an investment of around $3 billion in aid since 2000. 1 The stance of the Uribe administration is obvious but maybe not as simply stated as: You send us money and we'll be your friend. Plan Colombia forced a more consolidated approach to the regional combat of drug in a follow up plan labeled the Andean Regional Initiative. This plan focuses on diminishing the effects of the drug squeeze, or "spill over", from Colombia to the surrounding countries such Ecuador, Peru, as well as Colombia's other neighbors. The initiative places emphasis on democratic institution building, economic development and trade, as well as counterdrug and law enforcement assistance. 2
The success or failure of the drug war can be debated, but the affect of building cooperation with the leadership with Colombia is an important one. Although not sending troops in support of OIF due to internal preoccupations, Colombia was among the original 49 nations to side with the United States in its efforts to remove Saddam Hussein from power.
Operation Iraqi Freedom
Including Colombia, only seven out of 43 countries in the Western Hemisphere were included in the original 49 supporters of the invasion of Iraq. Of those seven, probably the most important contributors were Honduras, Nicaragua, the Dominican Republic, and El Salvador who committed troops in support of the Operation under the leadership of the Spanish contingent in Iraq. After the Spanish train bombings in March 2004, and loss of the election by the ruling regime, Spain withdrew its troop support as well as did the remaining Spanish speaking countries, save El Salvador.
South American Military Relations
Chile
Militarily, Chile has almost always touted a powerful navy. Most recently, Chile participated in a Joint U.S./Panamanian/Chilean operation to establish a security zone for the Panama Canal. The Panamax 2003 exercise intent was to establish a working relationship with forces that might be tasked to secure a potentially dangerous vessel approaching the canal. 3 The exercise was directed to assist the Panamanian government who has been solely responsible for the canal itself since the United States returned control in 1999.
The shipping approaching the canal is a different story. Protecting the neutral waters and approaches to the canal is an extremely important task that Chile and Panama have taken seriously. Chile has assumed an important role in integrating security in the region that will greatly assist the United States and will allow us to maintain operations abroad.
El Salvador
Recent relations with El Salvador both politically and militarily have been outstanding. El Salvador has been the most consistent and faithful ally to the United States from Latin America. They were one of the first Latin American countries to sign the Article 98 agreement that protects U.S. Service member rights concerning prosecution in the International Criminal Court.
Probably the most important act of support is El Salvador's continued troop commitment in Iraq. El Salvador has consistently deployed troops in support of the American led coalition. The amount of forces deployed, as compared to the U.S. troop strength is miniscule at around 360 soldiers, but compared to the size of the Army and the GDP of the nation, the commitment is tremendous. 4 The size of the Salvadoran Army does not allow a constant deployment of forces, but they deployed their 4th contingent in support of operation in Iraq in February, 2005and are sketching plans for a 5th contingent as well. 5
Western Hemisphere Encroachment
China's role in the Western Hemisphere has greatly increased along with its economic growth in the world market. China sent a 125 man police contingent in support of joint operations in Haiti to deepen its ties in the distant region. 6 Latin America has embraced the economic giant and is fostering new ties to enhance their own economies. Latin America's exports to China increased about 31% last year which brought some economic growth to the ailing communities. 7 As far as Latin America is concerned, China can assume the economic hegemonic role of the United States.
China has made its intentions clear. With applications to join the Inter-American Development Bank and desires on sponsoring a project to widen the Panama Canal area, China sees a new market to purchase fuel for its economic fire. 8 Many Latin American countries are looking toward China to help provide a boost to their economies.
Chile is looking to improve upon its 70% increase in metal exports to China from last year. Chile and China have also defined a tentative free-trade agreement and Chile is looking to China as a major investor in almost any aspect of the economy. Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez has signed oil and gas deals in exchange for investments in order to reduce its dependency on the United States. 9 Argentina is looking to corner $20 of the $100 billion dollars China has pledged to invest in Latin America over the next decade for transportation improvements. 10 Cuba signed a deal to invest $500 million in its nickel industry to provide a much needed shock to its waning economy. 11
Brazil has urged China to invest in the state-owned oil and gas sector as well as increased sales and joint ventures in Brazil's aircraft production and satellite technology. Brazil's export/imports with China jumped 20 and 72% respectively last year and are seeking to increase its soybean and iron ore exports to China in the upcoming years. 12 Not all Latin American countries have been readily willing to accept China's role in the region. Mexico is feeling a sting as China competes with Mexico's number one commodity: people. The maquiladora sector has been encroached upon as China has replaced Mexico as number one exporter to the United States of textiles. Mexico, for obvious reasons, has been the most reluctant to approach China for trade agreements.
"Leftist Leadership"
The emerging "leftist regimes" in Latin America, for the most part, have overcome fears in the United States about a communist or socialist wave spreading across South America. The 2004 election of President Vazquez to office in Uruguay put the nail in the coffin for some political analysts as the spread of potential pro-communist/socialist governments came to a head. The analysts should have, however, waited to pass judgment as the new leadership wave either defies or re-defines "leftist".
The backgrounds of the new "leftist" leaders in South America had the potential for disaster. President Vazquez was affiliated with the communist Tupamaro guerrilla movement in the 1960's. Brazil's President Lula hails from the leftist Workers' Party and President Lagos of Chile comes from a socialist background. President Kirchner in Argentina traces his origins to the leftist faction of the Peronist Party of the 1970's. 13
The "leftist" label, probably initially justifiable, needs to be amended as each of these Presidents has overcome the apprehension as identifiable in their political agendas. All regimes seemed to have taken a moderate role in government that focus on fiscal discipline and urgent social agendas. 14 Only their Venezuelan neighbor to the north seems to have justified the "leftist" or populist stance in government.
President Hugo Chavez has been a weakness in American foreign policy in Latin America. His anti-American rhetoric and inflaming attitude is reminiscent of Fidel Castro and so far, seems to be the next replacement on the world stage for Cuba's aging leader. Although not currently able to shut off the oil supply to the United States (as he currently ships about 60% of his crude to the U.S.), he is obviously seeking investment opportunities elsewhere that could give him the option to slow the supply of oil to the United States and provide flexibility for the future.
Public relations between President Chavez and the United States have been tenuous. Once the leader of a failed coup in Venezuela in the late 1990's, Lieutenant Colonel Chavez ran for and was elected President of the Republic and has been serving in that capacity, more or less, for six years. After being removed from office by an illegal coup, the United States quickly affirmed its support for the new government due to Chavez's populist tendencies, purging of the military and government, and anti-American rhetoric. The coup did not last very long as President Chavez re-gained control of his office as the United States political leadership attempted to pull the "foot from our mouth". This resulted in a continued downward spiral of political, military, and economic relations between the two countries despite the reliance of both on oil.
SUMMARY
The implications for disregard to our neighbors to the south are big. As we have seen, tremendous investment by China into Latin America could potentially derail the United States' economy. Although it is doubtful that China is a serious threat to the political, economic, and military might of the United States at the moment, continual benign neglect southward and not engaging China immediately could boost China's role in the world significantly.
This article has demonstrated that neglecting our neighbors in the Western Hemisphere quite possibly could provide a step backward in American hegemony. China's threat to the United States is real and increasing and must be addressed at the earliest opportunity. It has also shown that attention, investment, and support can go a long way in Latin America as seen in the examples of the loyal allies of Colombia and El Salvador. Continued support of the Southern Cone nations of Chile, Argentina, and Brazil, although not in perfect harmony, is important to maintain as their economies continue to stabilize and improve.
The current American regimes' "agree to disagree" stance on certain issues seems to be acceptable to most Latin American nations, as well as across the globe. Pushing United States policy in Central and South America is a touchy subject and can potentially damage current relations. Silent support (economically and politically) seems to be the answer right now for most Latin American countries, but policy must adjust to confront China's emerging role, and yet not destroy relations with our neighbors to the South.
This article has provided broad in context solutions to the problems and need to be refined and further developed to provide more consolidated recommendations to current and future presidential administrations. It has also shown that modest attention in Latin America by the United States could provide dividends in the future and the current policy of benign neglect could further damage north/south relations. The United States and Latin America can benefit from increased cooperation if desired and with effort, the benefits could enhance ties economically and politically for all.
1. "Latin America Politics: Drug Battles Won, a War Still Lost" EIU ViewsWire. New York: 11 Feb 2005.BACK
2. U. S. Department of State, U.S. Policy Toward the Andean Region, Washington, D.C., 16 May 2001.BACK
3. Darby, M.J., "Protecting the Waters of the Panama Canal," All Hands. Washington: Dec 2003. Iss. 1040. pg. 12.BACK
4. "El Salvador: Country Outlook," EIU ViewsWire. New York: 17 Mar 2006.BACK
5. USMILGP El Salvador Talking Points Memorandum, April 2005.BACK
6. Buerkle, Tom. "Ole China," Institutional Investor. New York: Mar 2005. p. 5.BACK
13. Shifter, Michael and Vinay Jawahar. "Latin America Defies Old Labels: In Uruguay and Elsewhere, the Leftist' tag is no longer meaningful." Los Angeles Times. 1 Mar 2005. pg. B. 11.BACK