Middle East Review

by LCDR Youssef Aboul-Enein, MSC, USN

Readings on Islamic and Middle East Affairs: Proposals, Solutions and Discussions

The United States Military will define 50 years from now by the successful reform and change the Middle East will undergo as they finally face tough social, political and theological issues. As such it is imperative that we keep current with the latest thinking on the Middle East and Islam, this review essay will look at a series of monographs and books that will bring readers quickly into the latest discussions on Islam and Civil Democracy, Hindu-Muslim sectarian violence, and a host of other issues. The RAND National Security Research Division has produced 72-page monograph entitled Civil Democratic Islam: Partners, Resources and Strategies (RAND, Santa Monica, California: 2003) written by Cheryl Benard. She attempts to classify the different Muslims competing in answering the questions that deals with a failure to thrive and a loss of connection to the global mainstream. The book divides the Muslim debate into four classifications, fundamentalist, traditionalist, modernist and secularist. The fundamentalist abjectly refuses democratization, and wishes to regress into their interpretation of Islam based on the seventh century. The traditionalist makes an uneasy peace with the tide of globalization and unlike the fundamentalist understands the limitations of taking on global systems. The modernist seeks to find human rights, democracy and representative governance in Islamic texts and precedence. Finally, the secularists seek to divorce religion from the state and view social justice as more important than democracy. The last two are the weakest in terms of funding and support. They do not possess the backing of Saudis that the fundamentalist Wahabis enjoys or those Shiite Usuli followers who perpetuate Iran in its current theocratic form og governance. She argues that Islamic moderates and liberals need funding and protection; their ideas must also flood the streets as efficiently as the Islamic fundamentalist has flooded Islamic mosques with counter-productive theological booklets. It is the debate within Islam that Al-Qaeda and Islamic militants most fear.

The University of Washington Press produced a slim volume entitled, Islamist Mobilization in Turkey: A Study in Vernacular Politics (University of Washington Press, Seattle: 2002) by Associate Professor of Anthropology Jenny White. This book is not only of interest to watchers of Turkey but also those following Muslim discussions on secularism, democracy and civil society. Turkey is a dynamic nation ideologically in the Muslim world as Kemalists, Socialists and Islamists politically battle for votes and elections on the local and national level. The author has spent months with Turkish families who live in the Umraniye slums around Istanbul to explore the reasons for their support of the Islamist Welfare Party. The book also demonstrates the differences within Islamic political movements, unlike the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, the Turkish Welfare Party holds as its ideal the ancient glories of the Ottomans using the nostalgia of empire and Islam to induce poor voters aside from the traditional handouts and vote buying that goes on between all Turkish political parties. In the Arab world, Islamist political parties do not entirely distance themselves from militant wings, but the Welfare Party distances themselves from the violent Turkish Hizbullah. The book also describes Turkish concepts that allow for a robust Islamist grassroots political movement, they include himaye', a system where problems are solved through connections rather than rule of law. This is combined with inece a system of pooling resources money and votes all of which are designed to build a loyal constituency. The Welfare Party distances themselves from Hizbullah and many Turks refer to them as "Sharia Fascists," who attempted to kill Aziz Nesin who translated the Salman Rushdi novel, Satanic Verses, burning down a hotel. Hizbullah also attacks the Turkish Nakshabandi Sufi order, an important part of Turkish social life. The book contains fascinating statistics such as 41 percent of Welfare Party voters identified themselves as laicist (those committed to separating religion from state affairs). Although over 40 percent of Turks pray regularly, three-fourths of the population are committed to separating religion from the state. Turks have also engaged in a fascinating debate on the meaning of Sharia, as personal conduct, code of Islamic law, or the simple yearning for just governance. Dr. White also traces the decline of the Turkish left (communists and socialists) and how the Islamists snapped up their votes through clever messages of a just economic order, and defending the working class in the late eighties and early nineties. The Kemalists, represented by Attaturk's Republican People's Party and democrats slept through this opportunity to attract the left to the advantage of the Islamists who burst onto the political scene in 1994 with major electoral wins. I highly recommend this short book to those wanting to understand the complexities and variety of Islamist political movements.

In 2004, the U.S. Army War College Strategic Studies Institute monograph series has two thought-provoking booklets on Iraq. The first by Dr. Elizabeth Wishnick entitled Strategic Consequences of the Iraq War: U.S. Security Interests in Central Asia published in May 2004 looks into the impact the Iraq War has had in bolstering the recruitment and the local political platform of Islamic militants in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Tajikistan. She argues that activities in Iraq could make U.S. basing in Central Asia more difficult for these governments to sustain in the face of public criticism made worse by Islamic militants like Hizb-u-Tahrir and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) that use violence to undermine U.S. allies in the region. The booklet does not offer real solutions to the problem but does cause one to ponder means of managing the message of Iraqi liberation in the Islamic Republics of Central Asia.

The second booklet by Jeffrey Record and W. Andrew Terrill looks at comparisons between Vietnam and the current war in Iraq. The monograph entitled Iraq and Vietnam: Differences, Similarities and Insights published by the U.S. Army War College in May 2004, settles this question once and for all, looking at the historical and mission comparisons of both. Overall they conclude that the two conflicts cannot be considered equal or comparable in terms leadership, goals and even an analysis of U.S. casualties per day. This book is for all those wanting to get ahead of this argument and postulate real comparisons between the two that simply do not add up.

The final book featured is Paul R. Bass seminal work on Hindu-Muslim sectarian violence on the Indian subcontinent. Entitled The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India (University of Washington Press, Seattle: 2003), it is a scholarly look into the Hindu and Muslim fundamentalist movements that have caused mass scale rioting and mayhem. Readers will learn that India's riots have evolved into organized events involving looters, killers and thugs, what may seem chaotic actually does have a type of organization and purpose for those perpetrating the violence. Chapters discuss the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the party that recently lost elections to the Indian National Congress Party. The core of Hindu nationalism from where the BJP radiates from the older Rashtriya Sawayamsevak Sangh (RSS) established in 1925. The author offers a scathing indictment that India's leaders after Nehru have been complacent of Hindu-Muslim violence, with a few using it to political advantage. Chapters also look into the soul of Muslim nationalism in India, the Aligarh Muslim University and the certain families that have a theological monopoly in this Islamic bastion of Northern India. This book is not for the novice on Indian affairs, and it is recommended one read a little on India and Pakistan before delving into Paul Bass' book.

LCDR Aboul-Enein is a Navy Medical Service Corps and Middle East Foreign Area Officer currently assigned as Director for North Africa and Egypt and Islamic Militancy Advisor at the Office of the Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs. He is a frequent contributor of reviews and essays to the FAO Journal.

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Muhammad at Mecca by W. Montgomery Watt. Oxford at the Clarendon Press, London, 1965. 192 pages. Review by Major Randy Koehlmoos, US Army, a South Asia FAO stationed at USCENTCOM, MacDill AFB, Florida.

Though the publishing date of 1965 may initially dismiss this work to the back shelves of university libraries, current events further highlight the need to reevaluate Islam in a classical context prior to formulating and making judgement. Juxtaposed with the common Oriental view that Operation Enduring Freedom is merely the so-called Christian powers fighting a continuing war against Islam under the auspices of combating terrorism is the far too common Occidental perception that Muslims in exploding rental cars have replaced the Red Horde as the enemy of the civilized world. Both views are inane as OEF is not the fifth crusade and true Islam seeks peace and submission to the will of Al-lah in stark contrast with destruction of the West and reinstating the Caliphate.

W. Montgomery Watt is an esteemed Orientalist and leading authority on Islam who wrote Muhammad at Mecca in response to his perceived need for a new look at the life of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) set in a fuller historical context. Watt states that part of this need arose from the broader desire of twentieth century historians to see historical events in relation to the economic, social, and political background prevalent at that particular time. The author also asserts that the special feature of this biography of Muhammad is thus not that it combs available sources more minutely than others have done previously, but that it pays fuller attention to material factors, and attempts to answer many questions that have hardly been raised in the past. Together with Watt's other book Muhammad at Medina, these two volumes constitute a comprehensive history of the life of Muhammad.

Watt declares in the introduction that this work is first and foremost written for the historian. He warns though that inherently a human inclination of 'tendential shaping' exists by early historians to make allowances for distortions, or even to make ideology more acceptable within the shadow of other religions such as Christianity or Judaism. Though many of the bibliographic sources Watt used for this work are based on earlier primary sources, written documents beyond the Holy Qur'an detailing the Prophet's life prior to about 150 years after his death do not exist. Watt addresses the need to examine the appeal of Islam to its followers based on economic and political factors, and not just pure religious principles. The Qur'an contains traditional historical evidence of Meccan times, but to expect the Qur'an to be a socially historical document highlighting the economic, social, and political aspects of daily life is beyond the intention of its design.

In general Watt accepts traditional accounts as true and rejects anecdotes only when discounted by internal contradictions. Though a risky approach, information available prior to the hijrah to Medina is limited and to quote Watt, 'shadowy.' This situation may seem fertile ground for time and skepticism to cloud the legacy, but similarly it could actually be more factual; some historians view verbal transmissions as a more accurate and authentic portrayal than their written counterparts (a view also used with reference to the Veda's). By keeping stories oral, no scribe can be accused of misprints, and no mispronunciations are allowed during its retelling; likewise one can focus on the story itself instead of the author's reputation.

Though Watt is very capable of religious criticism (see also his Muslim- Christian Encounters; Perceptions and Misperceptions, Routledge, 1991), he remains neutral on sensitive religious questions at issue between Christianity and Islam in this particular work. He attempts to present Christian readers with historical material that must be taken into account before forming theological judgements and many times shows the similarity and historical connections between the three religions of the book-- Christianity, Islam, and Judaism. To avoid alienating the attentions of the Christian readers he is attempting to influence with the issue of divinity within the Qur'an, Watt writes from the perspective of 'the Qur'an says' and not 'God says' or 'Muhammad says.'

Contemporaneously for the Muslim reader Watt avoids issues that would reject any of the fundamental doctrines of Islam, so long as his scrutinizing remains faithful to the standards of Western historical scholarship. Though this statement is problematic with those who denounce Western ideologies as being the only acceptable standard, Watt rightly states that a rift between Western scholarship and Islamic faith is avoidable. Watt does note Western hesitance to accept nine year old Ali as possessing the mental maturity to actually accept the practice of Islam on his own merit and to therefore be considered the first male Muslim, which elevates Western scholarship above that of the followers of Ali (the entire Shia community).

Mohammad at Mecca follows a chronological progression, and initially draws attention to the features of the Arabian background (the district surrounding Mecca) that are most important for a proper understanding of Muhammad's early career and achievements. Mecca developed as a trading and financial center at the crossroad of the caravan routes, and this setting impacted the Qur'an as it first appeared; not in the atmosphere of the secluded desert but in that of high finance in the shadow of Jewish and Christian influences. Watt attributes problems within Mecca as arising out of change from a nomadic existence based on physical struggle within the harsh desert to a sedentary capitalist economy, without an accompanying change in community attitudes. Mohammad was a statesman from the beginning, and Watt details Meccan politics and its impact on the personal views of the Prophet. The legacy of this is the message of solidarity and the community of Islam (the ummah) surpassing clan, tribal, and nationalistic lines.

Being an orphan at an young age dominated Muhammad's early life, and Watt brings to light those stories and accounts of the young Prophet's life that both appeal to and repulse secular historians. He notes that those in the latter category are theological characters that chronologically are found to quiver under scrutiny, but still pass profound and valuable messages and hold significance for Muslims. Watt brings attention to contradictions in perceived facts about Muhammad's visions, and attributes some of the disparity to the problems inherent with the interpretation of language. Watt even goes as far as to make recommendations to adjust certain meanings to remain both Islamically orthodox and within the realm of historical probability, to such a degree that he as a Western historian has confidence in the statements.

Watt brings to light the fact that the primary message in the Qur'an can be confused by differences in Western importance on bare facts verses significance, and on Eastern importance that shows little difference. Arab society at the time did not define things in terms of right and wrong but as honorable and dishonorable. Concerns still exist in regard to proper chronology and contradictions as ideas and directives change throughout the text of the Qur'an, giving concern as to which is the final directive. Watt tries to remain neutral in explanations of events and performs what he calls 'creative irruption' to take a middle ground between chance and divine intervention. He concludes by examination that the Qur'an attributes the troubles at that time in Mecca as primarily religious with essentially religious remedies despite their economic, social, and moral undercurrents.

Watt discusses that the early days of Islam were far from opposition. He examines this from the point of 'How did opposition manifest itself and what were the main motives behind it?' In his attempt at discussion of the satanic verses and their motives and explanations, other possibilities arise such as Muhammad reacting to public opinion or pressure from other groups. He concludes that existence of Angels does not violate the Islamic tenant of monotheism, and this fact is again related to the similar beliefs in the sister religions of Christianity and Judaism. Watt determines that the Qur'an tends to confirm the accounts derived from traditional historical material, and that the principle opposition to Muhammad's claim to be a Prophet was to the political implications of him becoming the new ruler as opposed to resistance to a new religion.

The final chapter of the book discusses the deterioration in Muhammad's position in Mecca and the hijrah to Medina. At this point Islam is considered to be historically complete, but most of its institutions were still in a very rudimentary state. Again, Watt addresses the point that nomadic ethics and outlook were well suited to desert conditions but proved unsatisfactory for settled communities. This work is most relevant for those persons desiring advanced study of the grossly misperceived religion of Islam, which the Western world erroneously blames for the mainly historical, economic, and social problems of the Muslim world. Watt's work supports historical in contrast to religious scholarship in the hope of overcoming contemporary jahiliyya (state of ignorance). Ancient prejudice coupled with the contemporary media-induced Islamic stereotype of Islam as a violent foreign religion perpetuates the misperception of political and religious Islam as a 21st century threat when in fact W. Montgomery Watt shows that Islam has many parallels with Christianity and Judaism and is not a medieval enemy lurking in the darkness.

2005, Foreign Area Officer Association
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